A few months ago, brands started coming under fire on Twitter for having ads appear on the conservative news site Breitbart. In response, many did pull ads, including advertisers like Allstate and Modcloth. Brands have started taking blacklisting to a new level, including many more conservative sites which should not be lumped in with Breitbart.
“We have had some clients asking if we can ensure their ads do not run on Breitbart or other specific websites, and we have proactively reached out to others to let them know our options when it comes to blocking specific properties and allowing them to review our blacklist,” Marcus Pratt, vice president of insights and technology at Mediasmith, told Digiday. The site also linked to a blacklist reportedly from Mediasmith, which included a broad swath of reputable websites.
I haven’t cared about the Oscars since 1992’s Silence of the Lambs sweep. Like, I presume, 99 percent of Takimag readers, I won’t be tuning in on Feb. 26, when one of the broadcast’s “highlights,” we’re informed, will be the choice of Best Picture presenters: Warren Beatty and Faye Dunaway.
See, this year marks the 50th anniversary of the movie that made them stars and altered the course of American cinema, and culture: Bonnie and Clyde.
It is probably futile now to argue for the proper use of the word fascism. To rail against the transformation of ‘fascist’ into a casual insult. To insist that fascism doesn’t mean ‘evil’ or ‘illiberal’ or even ‘demagogic’, but rather has a more specific meaning, and a more profound one.
The f-word has been destroyed through overuse, its original sense and power diluted by a million op-eds branding unpleasant politicians ‘fascists’ and by radical marchers hollering ‘fascist scum’ at anyone who irritates them: President Donald Trump, UKIP leader Nigel Farage, the cops. On the right, too, the accusation of fascism has become a Tourette’s-style cry. It’s the left who are the real fascists, they say. Ugly alt-right barbs like ‘feminazi’ and ‘eco-fascist’ confirm that right-wingers are now as likely to scream ‘fascist’ as they are to have it screamed at them.
Is the social revolution approaching its Thermidor, the point at which its progress stops or reverses? It’s difficult to be optimistic, but recent developments raise the possibility.
Until very recently, effective opposition to globalism, open borders, and lifestyle liberalism—that is, for traditional local ties over global markets, regulatory bureaucracies, and recent understandings of human rights—had all but disappeared. Those trends still have powerful backing, but electoral reverses in Europe and the United States make them seem less invincible.
In an article on the professional culture of social psychologists, Maria Konnakova exposed a lack of political and cultural diversity that was “every bit as dangerous as a lack of, say, racial or religious or gender diversity.” According to Jonathon Haidt, who has written extensively on the topic, this peer-driven uniformity discouraged conservative students from joining the field, and it made those rarely occurring conservative members more hesitant to voice their opinions. It has also introduced bias into published studies and position papers. “It’s not like the whole field is undercut, but when it comes to research on controversial topics, the effect is most pronounced,” Haidt was quoted.
I had the pleasure of meeting Andrew Breitbart just weeks before he died. He was at a conservative conference where he gave a fiery speech. Most people came to see Michelle Malkin, the other conservative firebrand at the conference — Andrew was not well known yet. I had come to hear multiple speakers, but the one I wanted to hear the most was Andrew. He was top billing for me, one of the most important people in the conservative movement. The short line at his book signing was surprising. I waited patiently as he signed books and chatted.
There’s a Roz Chast cartoon showing one lady shouting at another: “The price of Kleenex WAS SO 47 cents in 1963!” That sentence approximates roughly 86% of the “conversations” I’ve had with (or overheard being conducted by) other females over the span of my 52 years.
Yiannopoulos, an editor at Breitbart News and outspoken Donald Trump supporter, was on stage at Kane Hall when he received news of the shooting. After he concluded his talk, police held attendees inside the venue because of the “very volatile” situation unfolding outside.
This is supposedly the week of multitudinous demonstrations in Washington. The hordes are getting more media attention than the hundreds of thousands of Trump supporters who are also coming into town. Whether the multitudinous demonstrations will be as multitudinous as anticipated by the media I cannot say. Certainly they are getting plenty of publicity already, though their actual numbers as of Tuesday night were disappointing.
Al Charlatan’s (née Sharpton’s) turnout Saturday was rather puny, I am told. I may have seen it, but then again I may have not. I was on my way to J. Press, a men’s store, on Saturday. There was a small demonstration near the Lincoln Memorial. The demonstrators were reclining on the grass in some sort of formation, possibly doing yoga. Could these have been Al’s troops?
Frank Sinatra’s Secret Service code name was “Napoleon.”
Before you can finish asking, “Why did he need one?” you’ll remember:
JFK was practically a member of the Rat Pack, one of the few men for whom über-alpha Sinatra ever eagerly slaved as a beta-male drone: as procurer, of course—the Treasury Department didn’t dub Kennedy “Lancer” for nothing—but also in the lesser-known (and ultimately thankless) role of party planner.
Star Wars makes you stupid. Star Trek makes you smart.
Yes, both fandoms pursue cosplay, compulsive crap collection, and other life-wasters. But whereas Star Wars is a masturbatory end-in-itself, some Trekkers have at least pivoted their passion into meatspace, er, enterprises.
The article by Mark Lilla, a researcher at Columbia University in New York City who specializes in the history of Western intellectual, political and religious thought, called for an end to what he described as an overemphasis by liberals on racial, gender and sexual identity politics. He believes that this focus distracts from core fundamental concepts of democracy and so weakens social cohesion and civic responsibility.
In short, he asserted that many progressives live in bubbles; that they are educationally programmed to be attuned to diversity issues, yet have “shockingly little to say” about political and democratic fundamentals such as class, economics, war and policy issues affecting the common good. Of direct relevance to the US election, he argued that the excessive focus on identity politics by urban and academic elites has left many white, religious and rural groups feeling alienated, threatened and ignored in an unwelcoming environment where the issues that matter to them are given little or no attention. More.
Identity politics in science does way more damage than that, actually. It undermines the idea that academic elites are even people to be taken seriously.
Coastal elites set rules for others, exempt themselves, and tolerate rampant lawlessness from illegal aliens.
One reason for the emergence of outsider Donald Trump is the old outrage that elites seldom experience the consequences of their own ideologically driven agendas.
Hypocrisy, when coupled with sanctimoniousness, grates people like few other human transgressions: Barack Obama opposing charter schools for the inner city as he puts his own children in Washington’s toniest prep schools, or Bay Area greens suing to stop contracted irrigation water from Sierra reservoirs, even as they count on the Yosemite’s Hetch Hetchy project to deliver crystal-clear mountain water to their San Francisco taps.
We’re engaged in a destructive, debilitating war, a war that directly drains our resources and inhibits our ability to function as free-thinking, motivated, self-reliant individuals. It’s a conflict that pits arbitrarily-chosen demographic groups against each other, creating discord and tension where none existed, and indeed, none needs to exist.
Political advocacy groups, politicians, news people, and educators employ single words or short phrases that are euphemisms, with the intention of influencing voters’ perceptions or turning a given circumstance into personal financial advantage.